How Europe Underdeveloped Africa

General Overview

Chapter 2 is about development in Africa before European imperialism. African societies were initially communal and family centric. Many African religions were ancestral. Social relations also revolved around family and kinship. In addition, family dominated land and labor, the two primary factors of production, as well as the distribution of goods, which was based on kinship ties. All individuals in early African societies had duties and rights, with age being the primary determinant of each.

A transitional stage followed communalism. Most African societies between the 5th century and 1500 moved from communalism toward something resembling European feudalism (though few African societies became fully feudal). Inequality in the distribution of land and social products increased during this period. New social formations emerged, such as fishing societies, cultivators, and traders. The rise in labor specialization cut across family ties and increased production. Technological advances also drove development, notably in the areas of trapping, building, medicine, and agriculture. Manufacturing flourished during the transitional period, with Africans producing a wide range of goods, such as farming equipment and weapons. Trade became increasingly important, including long-distance trade across the Sahara. Communities developed a barter system and standardized the measurement of goods. Salt, cloth, iron hoes, and cowry shells were commonly used as currency. With development, however, came the breakdown of communalism and subsistence economies. Social stratification and antagonism between social groups emerged. These developments coincided with the rise of political states.

Some Concrete Examples

This section consists of case studies that clarify the tendencies described in the overview and lay the groundwork for later chapters. Egypt is among the most informative because its development starting in the 7th century parallels developments in Africa under European imperialism and colonialism, two critical issues in the rest of Rodney’s book. Egypt rose to prominence under the pharaohs and later flourished under Arab and Turkish rulers. These foreign rulers moved Egypt toward feudalism. Foreign rulers tied Egypt’s development to that of other countries and led to the exportation of wealth in the form of agricultural products and revenue to colonial powers. With foreign rule came a military ruling class and a system of land tenure. By the 15th century, the sultan and military lords owned most land in Egypt. The foreign rulers of Egypt had an antagonistic relationship with landless peasants, who were forced to give away most of their crops to tax collectors. Several peasant revolts occurred, especially in the early 8th century. These revolts coincided with rapid development. Scientific advancements occurred, especially under the Fatimid rulers (9th-12th centuries). New industries emerged, including papermaking, sugar refining, and porcelain production. The succeeding Ayyubid and Mamluk dynasties built on these advances, creating canals, dams, bridges, and aqueducts, as well as engaging in commerce with Europe. Feudalists and merchants formed the elite, but craftsmen and other urban dwellers also benefited from these developments.

Other parts of Africa also moved toward feudalism before the 15th century. Ethiopia developed rapidly in the 12th century under the Christian Zagwe kings. Ethiopia’s massive rock-cut churches are material proof of its advancement. These churches reveal that Ethiopia could mobilize a large, highly skilled labor force. As Rodney observes, the churches also attest to the existence of class distinctions and exploitation in Ethiopia, two key features of feudalism: “Such tasks could not have been achieved by voluntary family labor but only through the labor of an exploited class” (58). Development continued after the fall of the Zagwe dynasty, as evidenced by Ethiopia’s output of sophisticated art, garments, and jewelry. Despite these advances, Ethiopia’s wealth rested largely on agriculture, with landlords and peasants forming two distinct classes. Ethiopian society, then, was neither fully communal nor fully feudal. This is important because Africa’s less advanced state of development put it at a distinct disadvantage in its trade dealings with Europe.

Rodney’s other case studies support his assessment of African development. Nubia from the 8th to the 11th centuries was transitioning from communalism to feudalism. Brick churches filled with high-quality art attest to the area’s development. Distinct classes emerged in this period, and with them class conflict. In the Maghreb, Muslim imperialists spurred development in the naval, military, commercial, and cultural spheres, coming into conflict with communal Berber groups in the process. A lengthy transition from a communal to a feudal mode of production also marked Western Sudan, where an empire originated in the 5th century and lasted until the 11th century. Agriculture was the principal activity before this period. Development occurred gradually with the rearing of animals, the specialization of labor, and the emergence of various industries, such as cloth, leather, and mining. Long-distance trade through the Sahara and to Upper Senegal enriched the area and strengthened state power. Although distinct class divisions did not emerge in the region, clashes between different social and ethnic groups were common. Communal egalitarianism was ebbing, but its persistence hindered development. In short, Western Sudan never became fully feudal, but the area was more developed politically than the rest of Africa.

Conclusion

Chapter 2’s brief conclusion reiterates several key points. Rodney’s case studies reveal that Africa expanded its productive capacity in a variety of spheres before the era of trade with Europe. The transition from communalism to feudalism was slow and sometimes marked by social violence. In contrast to Europe, which went from communalism, to slavery, to feudalism, slavery was never a mode of production in Africa. In other words, the African continent developed differently than Europe. The latter was more dynamic and quicker to discard conservatism. Europe was a fledging capitalist society in the late 15th century, while Africa was still transitioning to feudalism from communalism. This gave Europe a marked advantage when it established trade relations with Africa.