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41 pages 1 hour read

Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2000

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Symbols & Motifs

The House

A key symbol and great source of debate among the revolutionary generation is the permanent location for the seat of the federal government. It is decided that the capital should be somewhere near Virginia in the middle of the Eastern seaboard. Were the House to remain too far north, the southern states would feel neglected and ruled from afar, like they dreaded. The location off the Potomac River suites both prominent Virginians, Jefferson and Madison, as well as the current president Washington, whose Mount Vernon estate is near. For Virginians who worry about a Yankee (northern state) takeover, this is a triumph: 

they would not abandon the seat of government, but capture it. Like the new capital, it would become an extension of Virginia, or at least the Virginia vision of what the American Revolution meant and the American republic was meant to be (80). 

The House, set in a capital named after the first president, will be the stone culmination of the revolution and give the new republic official status. The figure of a building, a permanent home, suggests that the new regime will be here to stay. Further, the House’s separation from the new republic’s burgeoning financial center, New York, is symbolic in honoring the distinction between finance and politics. The House’s location thus gestures toward unity, rather than concentrated power. 

The West

A key motif of Ellis’ book is the westward expansion toward a land of “almost limitless potential” (7). Not only will the revolutionary generation refuse to be ruled by a small island in the mid-Atlantic (Britain), but they feel that the prosperity of their nation lay in its great untapped resources and the expansion westward toward as yet undiscovered territories. Though the first states of the union are concentrated on the Eastern seaboard, Washington in his Farewell Address, sees that their future “as a collective unit with a common destiny” is concentrated westward (155). He even imagines the inclusion of the Native Americans who were there first and “‘anxiously wished that the various Indian tribes, as well as their neighbours, the White people, might enjoy in abundance all the good things which make life comfortable and happy”’ (159). He sees this assimilation of Native Americans and white people in the same territory as happening when the former abandoned their hunter-gatherer ways of life and embraced modern agriculture. While modern readers may object to Washington’s idea that Native Americans should imitate the white settlers, it is striking that he envisions a westward-oriented multiracial society that is nothing like Europe.

Letters for Posterity

Another motif of Ellis’ book is the act of correspondence. From a practical standpoint, letter-writing is the only way that the revolutionary generation can communicate with one another from a distance and express their intimacy with one another over time. This is especially the case with Jefferson and Adams, who correspond intensely during their periods of friendship, but lose contact in the years between 1800 and 1812, the years of their enmity. 

Their letters have a sense of historical perspective. For example, an elderly Jefferson writes to Adams “‘while writing to you, I lose the sense of these things, in the recollection of ancient times, when youth and health made happiness of everything”’ (243). His sentiments show that the correspondence keeps alive the moments when they were youthful and working together on the revolution. However, letters also express this generation’s ideas on the Revolution and its changing meaning. Ellis writes how “all the vanguard members of the revolutionary generation developed a keen sense of their historical significance even while they were still making the history on which their reputations would rest” (18). 

While both Jefferson and Adams prepare their papers for posterity toward the ends of their careers, Adams even tells his wife to do so before the outbreak of the war for independence. Within this correspondence, Adams and Jefferson develop complementary and sometimes competing narratives of the revolution. Jefferson’s version goes down in history because his is complete, where Adams’ is not. 

From a wider perspective, letters are an important motif of the book because Ellis credits its existence to edited volumes of the revolutionary generation’s letters.

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