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One of the main themes in this speech is the view of war as a necessary evil. Churchill had been advocating that military intervention be used to curb German expansionism in Europe since the mid-1930s. With war finally declared against the Axis Powers in 1939, and the Norway Debate confirming that The House of Commons was in favor of the full and active mobilization of British troops into Europe, Churchill ascended to the position of prime minister determined that Britain would fight WWII wholeheartedly until victory was achieved.
Throughout the entirety of the “Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat” speech, Churchill does not once mention the possibility of attempting to negotiate with Germany. This approach is in stark contrast to the diplomatic tactics favored by his predecessor and rejects the reluctance of the government to commit to all-out war during the Phony War period. It does, however, fit with Churchill’s personal hardline stance against Nazi Germany and with the House’s demonstrated militarism during the Norway Debate. With peaceful options dismissed through the very fact of their absence, Churchill instead presents only two alternatives: “victory” or defeat so absolute it amounts to “no survival” (Paragraph 6). In such a dichotomy, it is only rational to choose war over uncontested destruction.
Preempting any potential objections to the hardships and horrors of war, Churchill acknowledges that war is “an ordeal of the most grievous kind” (Paragraph 6), but he immediately counters this concession by describing the enemy as a “monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark, lamentable catalogue of human crime” (Paragraph 6). In this way, the negative stigma of war, which was powerful in the decades following the First World War, is lessened in comparison with the menacing threat of Nazi Germany. The enemy is evil, associated with such evocative language as “monstrous tyranny” and “crime.” Accordingly, the suffering of war is presented as a noble and heroic sacrifice, a morally necessary stand to take.
By the time he gave this speech, Churchill had been speaking out in favor of military action against Nazi Germany for years. Initially unpopular during the heyday of appeasement, this stance earned increasing support as the German war machine moved through Europe. With his personal pro-war stance well established, and given that Churchill’s coalition government was created for the express purpose of waging a successful war against the Axis Powers, Churchill’s argument for war as a necessary evil is very much an argument in favor of his own leadership.
Throughout “Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat,” Churchill invokes the importance of national unity as a cornerstone of his argument in favor of war and his government. A coalition government is itself a symbol and statement of national unity, so Churchill’s very invocation, by nature, reflects this theme. In his opening words, Churchill explicitly equates his new government with the concept of national unity, observing that it has been formed per the collective “wish and will of Parliament and the nation” (Paragraph 3), and the War Cabinet in particular represents “the unity of the nation” (Paragraph 3). As much from his academic expertise as a historian as from his first-hand experience leading troops and conducting politics during the First World War, Churchill was intimately familiar with the vital role that national unity plays in determining a nation’s ability to wage war successfully.
Churchill changes how he positions himself in relation to his audience in order to communicate different aspects of the importance of national unity. His uses of singular first person are couched in hedging language, augmenting his portrayal of himself as a humble servant to the nation: “I hope” occurs three times in the speech, complemented by “I trust” and “I would.” He also uses singular first person to note, all within his first paragraph, that he “received His Majesty’s commission,” has “completed the most important part of this task,” and is “submitting a further list to His Majesty to-night” (Paragraph 1). He demonstrates, by his own actions and tone, how an individual may contribute to building national unity.
In contrast, Churchill’s uses of the plural first-person pronouns “we,” “our,” and “us” prompt not only a sense of unity and camaraderie but also a sense of mutual forward momentum. In other words, he demonstrates the importance of national unity in terms of what unity can allow the nation to achieve. These plural pronouns, which occur almost exclusively in the final paragraphs, outline the present circumstances in terms that make clear why Churchill “feel[s] entitled to claim the aid of all” (Paragraph 4). Everyone in the “British Empire,” including Churchill’s past political opposition, is equally entangled in the global situation: “we are in the preliminary stage of one of the greatest battles in history […] we are in action at many other points […] we have to be prepared” (Paragraph 3). Churchill thereby encourages his audience to stand alongside him rather than in the implied isolation of opposition. He creates a sense of camaraderie and community between members of the British nation as a whole and presents the war as a matter of collective survival.
Chamberlain, Churchill’s predecessor to the role of prime minister, was forced to resign from office due to his inability to inspire national unity. A motion of no confidence from the opposition during the Norway Debate split the House and greatly diminished both the Conservative majority and Chamberlain’s ability to lead parliament. The further refusal of the Labor leadership to serve in a coalition under Chamberlain’s leadership was the final nail in his administration’s coffin. It was evident then that if Churchill wanted his own term of office to be successful, he required the unilateral support and confidence of parliament. It was consequently of vital importance that the new government be legitimized by the passing of a motion of confidence.
Churchill closes the speech with a heartfelt appeal for the Members of Parliament to endorse his government in the name of national unity: “I say, ‘come then, let us go forward together with our united strength.’” (Paragraph 6). This call to action ultimately bore fruit when, after his speech, the House of Commons voted unanimously in support of the coalition government.
In addition to his political and military careers, Churchill was a celebrated historian and writer, winning the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1953. Thus, even as he was living through the grand historical events of WWII, he was very aware of the historical significance this period would one day have. Churchill evokes the historical significance of current events both implicitly and explicitly in many of his most famous speeches, including “Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat.”
Churchill was preoccupied through much of his political career with the issue of defining his own legacy for posterity. Anticipating the historical significance of his future memoirs, Churchill always acted and spoke in his professional capacity with an awareness that he was speaking not only to his peers but also to future generations. The historical significance of current events was an underlying assumption that governed many elements of Churchill’s style and subject matter. Iconic declarations such as “I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat” were made with deliberateness (Paragraph 5); Churchill was as much preemptively crafting his own place in history as he was addressing the House of Commons. Ultimately, such efforts were not in vain, as to this day Churchill remains one of the most recognizable and revered figures in British history, and his speeches are some of the most oft-quoted and celebrated examples of oratory in the English language.
Emphasizing the historical significance of current events also supported Churchill’s goal of passing the proposed motion of confidence. The speech discourages members of Parliament from opposing the government at a time in which, as Churchill frames it, the interests of the nation must come first. Churchill uses evocative language and superlatives to mark the moment in 1940, extinguishing any hope that another war may be avoided: “we are in the preliminary stage of one of the greatest battles in history” (Paragraph 5). He then sensationalizes the stakes of the present war; it is not merely a conflict between nations but a clash between good and evil. Without victory, there can be “no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal” (Paragraph 4). His nation, in other words, is key to human progress. Germany, in stark contrast, is “a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark, lamentable catalogue of human crime” (Paragraph 6).
Such grandiose characterizations serve to minimize even legitimate criticisms of Churchill’s government as petty in comparison with the matters at hand. The implication of this theme is that there can be no justification for quibbling over the minutiae of everyday or practical concerns. These are exceptional conditions, so the government should be allowed to carry out its extraordinary purpose uncontested.
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