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Though Russia first embarked on emulation of European culture and society with the reforms of Peter the Great in the 1700s, the late 19th century marked another turning point in the country’s political and social evolution. The abolition of serfdom in Russia in 1860s was part of a comprehensive shift in social and legal institutions known as the Great Reforms including the establishment of jury trials and a new system of local government. Local assemblies known as the zemstvo had tax collecting responsibilities and oversaw the construction of hospitals and schools. Though there was no national parliament in the Russian empire before 1905, the zemstvo marked a new period of regional self-governance. While the newly emancipated peasants still owed their former owners financial compensation, they had freedom of movement and the legal status of citizens. As nobles with large estates, both Levin and Vronsky encounter these institutions and participate in them to varying degrees.
The political and legal situation of the peasantry was a subject of significant discussion for Russian elites from the 1830s onward. In Anna Karenina, this debate is best represented by Levin’s arguments with his brother Sergei. Sergei romanticizes the peasants as the repository of national wisdom, while Levin takes a more practical view and is interested in their economic position and the prospects of agrarian reform. Levin’s skepticism about socialism and arguments with his brother Nikolai are Tolstoy’s way of acknowledging the growing radicalism of some Russian intellectuals—especially university students. Levin’s relationship with his peasant workers showcases the gap between Russian nobles, who spoke foreign languages and were comfortable in Europe and with the often-illiterate peasantry that spoke only Russian. Though Levin finds Dolly’s use of French with her children distasteful, he is a product of the Westernization of which he is skeptical.
In the 1860s and 70s, Russian elites—especially intellectuals and nobles—debated many social issues in the press and in literature because the Great Reforms were also accompanied by a reduction in governmental censorship and changes to the legal system to allow for jury trials and local legal mediators. Stiva Oblonsky’s ability to read a newspaper taking a “liberal” line on social issues, including marriage and the family, is an indicator of this social trend. Tolstoy’s choice to have Oblonsky, a neglectful father and libertine, epitomize political liberalism, is a clear indicator of his own politics.
Debates over marriage and family law were contentious in tsarist Russia, as the existing legal code was fundamentally conservative in matters of gender—especially for women. Women retained property after marriage, but had no other legal rights. Legal separation was not a recognized category, and divorce was both nearly impossible to obtain and subject to the discretion of the Orthodox Church. Anna’s legal inability to have custody of her child is an accurate depiction of the legal system of the time. Historian Laura Engelstein notes that the system for proving adultery was “complex and humiliating for all concerned” (Engelstein, Keys to Happiness, 52). Russian liberals, as Tolstoy mentions, tended to be critics of the existing system’s inflexibility, while he himself portrayed women’s freedom as a sign of “moral decay” (Engelstein, Keys to Happiness, 1). Nikolai Levin’s decision to live with a former sex worker to whom he is not married reflects the gender politics of some Russian radicals, who are portrayed as morally bankrupt and even diseased (Maria Nikolaevna is repeatedly described in terms of her “pockmarks”). Fundamentally, Anna Karenina is Tolstoy’s intervention into one of the major political and cultural debates of his time.
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By Leo Tolstoy