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The first chapter of America on Fire is titled “The Cycle,” referring to a major recurring theme throughout the book: how acts of repression by law enforcement instigate a violent response from the people, which then leads to more draconian police aggression, which then leads to more violent rebellion. Using dozens of examples from the 1960s to the present, Hinton demonstrates that throughout America’s history, any attempts from Black communities to improve their situation or demand greater equality have been met with violent repression by an increasingly militarized police force, resulting in an escalation of conflict rather than a return to peace and order.
Hinton argues that while violent rebellions often get blamed on Black Americans, the cycle of violence actually begins with the police, whose mere presence in Black neighborhoods is often seen as inherently invasive and oppressive. In her case studies, Hinton asserts that law enforcement in Black neighborhoods often acted more aggressively than they did in white neighborhoods, intervening even in innocent activities like football games and using disrespectful language with Black residents. When one Black protester was asked why he was throwing rocks and bottles at policemen, he responded, “Why do police hit people on the heads with their clubs?” (27). The hostility of Black communities toward police, in turn, increased the police’s paranoia and hostility toward Black people, making them more likely to violently overreact to conflicts. Stories of supposed Black snipers led law enforcement officers to fire on innocent civilians and, in some cases, possibly each other, which only fueled the conflicts further.
The cycle of repression and violence can be clearly seen in all of the incidents Hinton discusses in this book. In the example of the public schools, teenagers who had peacefully sought reforms in their schools were met with law enforcement officers willing to arrest them as soon as they “[stepped] out of line” (148). This overly aggressive response, rather than ending the conflict, only caused the students to resort to violent rebellion, and pushed the conflict out of the schools and into the streets of the city. These teenage rebels were then faced with military-grade violence from police. The Black teenage activist Claude Barnes recalled seeing “all these little high school kids, bloodied, reeking of tear gas […] confronted with police in full riot gear” (163), an image that shows the dramatic difference in power between the two sides, and highlights the aggression of the police’s response. Law enforcement’s overreaction to student protesters only made the problem worse, and in multiple cases resulted in the deaths of innocent people.
The historical accounts in America on Fire repeatedly suggest that this cycle of repression and violence can only be broken through social and political reforms, not through an increase in police presence and aggression. Otherwise, Hinton suggests, the cycle will inevitably continue to wreak destruction in Black communities.
In Hinton’s conclusion to America on Fire, she states, “Instead of building policies around the needs of the community, this nation has built them around controlling communities and, at the same time, has erected the largest prison system in the world to warehouse Americans who exist at the margins” (306, emphasis added). This statement embodies one of the major themes of the book, which is the role that police and other law enforcement officials play in protecting, maintaining, and enforcing a system that is built on racial hierarchy and oppression.
Consistently, police were sent in by authorities to suppress Black resistance rather than addressing the needs of the community. Whether individual officers realized it or not, their function was to protect the white supremacist status quo against the threat of Black rebels who sought reforms, who were usually portrayed as violent, anti-American radicals. Hinton argues that “violence, in this sense, is best understood as any action that challenged white supremacy, including nonviolent demonstrations or armed self-defense” (88). Since the police were the unspoken defenders of white supremacy, their own violent actions were viewed as legitimate and justified by comparison. Racist attitudes toward Black people ran deep in many police departments, informing how the officers responded to the Black residents of their cities and further exacerbating tensions between police officers and Black communities.
In addition, police were often used as a convenient tool for policymakers to avoid actually addressing the root causes of rebellion. Rather than investing the time and money it would take to solve issues of Black unemployment, neglected infrastructure, and underfunded schools, officials instead invested money into growing and militarizing police departments. As Hinton writes, “when this response led to Black political violence, the ‘solution,’ even among Black authorities themselves, always involved state-sanctioned counterinsurgency in defense of the existing racial order” (168-69).
Furthermore, the police were often victims of the system as well as its enforcers. Officer Charles O’Brien argued that “The policeman today bears the brunt of the failures of government. Poverty, inequality, disease, ignorance, and the alienation of youth were not caused by the policeman, but he is the agent who most often comes face to face with these problems” (119). In O’Brien’s view, policymakers preferred to use police as a human shield between themselves and the consequences of the racist system they refused to fix, and police were in most cases more than willing to serve this purpose.
Hinton concludes that meaningful change can only occur when police departments undergo reforms to help build bridges with marginalized communities, while also stressing that systemic issues—unemployment, poor educational opportunities, lack of community resources—must be addressed to transform Black communities into places where racial equality and justice are truly present.
America on Fire spans multiple decades of Black rebellion in America, starting from the late 1960s and continuing to 2020. The issues Hinton highlights throughout the book—police brutality against Black Americans; a two-tiered justice system; a massive prison industrial complex; and policymakers who seem unwilling to pursue real solutions to poverty and prejudice—are just as relevant in the 2020s as they were in the 1960s. By presenting a broad historical overview of the pattern of repression and rebellion in the Black community since the Civil Rights era, Hinton traces many of the conflicts currently faced by Black Americans back to their source.
In the Introduction, Hinton argues that the word “riot” should be discarded when discussing Black rebellion, as it implies a negative moral judgment and dismisses the legitimate political motivations driving the rebellions. There is a pervasive narrative in American culture that the nonviolent movement of Martin Luther King Jr. in the 1960s, “with its august lineage going back to Gandhi and others” (14), was the “good” kind of Black protest, while the more violent ideology of the Black Power movement led by Malcom X was the “bad” kind of Black protest. Hinton wishes to challenge this view: Drawing examples from the past to the present, she argues that “violent rebellion offered a means for people of color to express collective solidarity in the face of exploitation, political exclusion, and criminalization. Both traditions continue to ground movements for racial justice” (4).
Hinton returns to this point in the Conclusion after discussing the largely peaceful George Floyd protests of 2020, and the militant response from law enforcement and government officials. Observing that the protesters in 2020 have built upon both the nonviolent traditions of Martin Luther King Jr. and the “critiques of systemic racism that are often identified with Black Power” (289), Hinton asserts that both violent and nonviolent protest have “served important purposes historically. Any successes of the nonviolent, direct political action of the civil rights movement depended on the threat of violent, direct political action” (292). For this reason, Hinton argues, Black rebellion—both past and present—should be viewed as a valid response to systemic injustice instead of random acts of lawlessness.
Throughout America on Fire, multiple examples are given of Black citizens requesting reforms peacefully, only to be ignored until they erupted in violence. These examples illustrate Hinton’s claim that “the violent and nonviolent expressions of Black protest are entwined forces” (293), with Hinton suggesting that the violent struggle for freedom is a quintessential feature of American history as a whole. It is only when Black concerns are taken seriously and adequately addressed, Hinton argues, that Americans can move forward with greater unity and justice.
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